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DELIVERED AT 



THE 1¥HICS- CONVENTION 



HELD AT UTICA, 



THE TENTH OP SEPTEMBER, ONE THOUSAND EIGHT HUNDRED AND 
THIRTY-FOI'R. 



BY CHANDLER STARR, 

A MERCHANT AND DELEGATE FROM THE CiTV OF 

,NEW'YORK. 



T. SNOVVDEN, PRINTER, &8 WALL STREET. 
1834. 



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■A'S 



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OFFICERS OF THE CONVENTION 



President, 
PETER R. LIVINGSTON. 

Vice Presidents, 

JAMES W. WILKINS, 
JOHN TOWNS END, 
ISAAC OGDEN, 
TRUMBULL CAREY, 
EPHRAIM HART, 
HENRY H. ROSS. 

Secretaries, 

WILLIAM H. FREELAND, 
DAVID SILL, 
MOSES H. GRINNELL, 
DAY O. KELLOGG. 



In Convention, September 1 1, 1834. 

On motion of Mr. Miller, of Schoharie, Resolved, that Mr. 
Starr be requested by this Convention to furnish a co])y of the 
Address this tUiy delivered by him, for publication. 



ft 



ADDRESS 

DELIVERED AT 

THE ^HlGr C0KYE.XT10X, 

HELD AT UTICA, THE TENTH OF SEPTEMBER, 1834. 

MR. PRESIDENT— 

In rising to second the resolution which has been submitted by the 
gentleman on my right, I will Sir, with your permission trespass on the 
patience of the Convention a few moments, while I offer some general 
remarks upon the present aspect of our affairs ; and first allow me to, 
congratulate you, Sir, and this respectable Convention, upon the auspi- 
cious result of our labors. I would not conceal the fact that I have look- 
ed forward to our proceedings here with great solicitude. 

A convention of Delegates from different parts of the State for the 
purpose of selecting candidates for the offices of C4overnor and Lieuten- 
ant Governor is always an important event , but an unusual importance 
attaches to our pro^-eedings at this time. We have come together under 
a new order of things, and with new responsibilities devolving upon us. 

Within the past year, for the first time since the organization of our 
Government, an attempt has been made by the Executive of the Nation, 
and a successful one, to svrcst the Treasury of the country from the con- 
trol of the people's representatives ; and when we by our Committees 
have repaired to Washington, to remonstrate against this high handed 
measure — to say that this unfortunate act had produced embarrassment 
without a parallel — that under its withering influence property of every 
description had depreciated — credit and business languished, and with 
many was about to expire — hov/ have we been treated ? Why, told in 
one direction that we were "panic makers — that we were exaggerating 
the distresses of the country for political effect." If we carried our com- 
plaints to other ears — if we said to the Executive of the nation that con- 
fidence and credit, the vital spark of an active, and prosperous trade, 
have received a stab at your hands, Avhich nothing but an act of yours 
can repair, the reply is, — " come not to me with your complaints — all 
men who do business on borrowed means ought to break." 

Committee after Committee, have succeeded each other, until at last 
they are spurned away, — the door is closed, and American citizens are 
no longer permitted to remonstrate against an act that has pressed them 
to the earth ! American citizens arc denied access to the man they have 
twice delighted to honor ! If conduct like this be sanctioned we deserve 
not the name of freemen. 

These, Sir, as I said before, are some of the events which form a new 
era in the history of our affairs, and sadly did our oppressors mistake the 
character of independent Whigs, if they supposed we should not seize 
the first opportunity to express our disapprobation of these despotic nica-; 



6 

surcs — if they siij)pose(l we should not avail ourselves of the first resort 
to the ballot box, to proclaim that au " Experiment" which brings blight 
aiKl mildew to our prosperity, and what is infinitely worse, reproach up- 
on the faith of the Nation, will not long be borne by a free people. 

These, Sir, are some ot tfie ccTnstderations which to my mind give 
tothe approaching election an importance far greater than any that have 
]>receded it. Its result will, I verily believe decide the course of events 
and the destiny of our country for a long time to come, and will fix the 
character of the next Congress of the U. S. and of course the policy of the 
government. Nay more, Sir, if auspicious it will change the character of 
tfie present Congress — it will teach gentlemen who are to spend another 
winter at Washington that they were sent there, not to represent Gen. Jack- 
son or Mr. Van Buren, but the interests of their constituents.-In short. Sir, 
it will adjust that question which has been the source of all our troubles ; it 
will restore the legitimate relations between the Government and the 
United States Banli- — that Institution, which furnishes the best currency 
and the most perfect system of commercial facility, and accomodation, 
the world ever saw — that Institution, which intelligent men all over our 
land, free from the shackles of party, believe and know, has greatly con- 
tributed to the unparalleled prosperity of this country for the last fifteen 
years. 

Mr. President : I have not come here to tnnnpet the fame of the 
U. States Bank. Far from it. Whenever the j)eople of this country are 
satisfied they can dispense with a National Bank, and its Branches, then 
I say let it peaceably expire. I vrould not prolong its existence a single 
day; but knowing something of the origin of the war that has been wa- 
ged against the Bank, and how perfectly unprincipled it has been from 
the beginning, I trust I may be pardoned in alluding to the subject; and 
may I ask the indulgence of this respectable Convention while I intro- 
duce another, with which it is not altogetlier disconnected. And in do- 
ing this, I would observe, that I am not about to attack the Banking in- 
terest of our own State. Of the ultimate soundness of our local Banks, 
I have never entertained a doubt. To the ability and integrity with which 
they are cojiducted, so far as my information extends, I am prepared to 
render my humble testimony. It is for another purpose altogether, that 
I now allude to the subject : and should gentlemen think me too person- 
al in my remarks — that in tlie s'atements I submit to the convention the 
names of individuals might in some instances have been omitted, I must 
beg leave to dissent from such an opinion. TI;e time has come, when 
the authors of the mischiefs v/c have sufiered, should be known and 
pointed at. 

This country has exhibited a very novel speclacle for several months 
past. We have not been so favorably situated for an active, and prosj)er- 
oijs trade in every branch of business, for more tlian twenty years. The 
resources of the country in every section of it, were never more abund- 
ant. A^JU-gj^ards oiu- connt^^^^ our situation has been ])ecu- 
Harly auspicious ; amTyet, Sir, with a balance of trade every where in 
our favor, we have been every where depressed — with the whole world 
tributary to us, we have been paralyzed from one end of the nation to the 
other — we have been held in fetters, and for no other object under Hea- 
ven, than to advance the political interest of Martin Van Buren — to carry 
out his " uncomprising hostility to the U. S. Bank." If, the people of this 
country submit to this state of things, then has the spirit of their fathers fied, 
and no matter who may be destined for our future rulers, in any event they 
will be as good as we deserve. But, Sir, they will not submit ; and not- 
withstanding the country is recovering in some measure, from the de- 
rangement and embarassment occasioned by the mad career of our profli- 
gate rulers, still, there remains a stain upon our national honor, that 



must be wiped away. No atonement has yet been offered to a violated 
constitution, and until that is done, the men in power may rest assured, 
that neither prosperity, nor adversity, will find freemen sleeping on their 
arms. 

But, Sir, I beg pardon for this digression. The Safety Fund system 
to which I was about to call. the attention of the Convention and 
which seems destined to absoi'b every fund that wc have, was 
adopted in this state in the winter of 1829. It was recommended to 
the Legislature by Mr. Van Buren who was Governor for about two 
months. When first promulgated rt found little favor any where. It had 
but few advocates in the Legislature. All the papers in the City of New 
York, (without distinction of party) came out in opposition to it. All the 
officers of the different Banks in that City were opposed to it. All tlie 
Banks in the City of Albany save the Mechanics' and Farmers' Bank, 
which has been always more or less identified with the interest of Mr. 
Van Buren, (and I wish gentlemen to keep this identity in view) were op- 
posed to it. So of the Banks at Troy. Being then a member of the 
House of Assembly, and one of tfie Bank Committee, I addressed a letter 
to some one of the officers of most of the different Banks in the western 
part of the State. Replies were I believe I'eceived in every instance, and 
all concurred in disapproving of the measure. Subsequently in a con- 
versation with Mr. Van Buren, I stated to him the result of my inquiries. 
He replied (as he always does reply, to those who doubt his infalibility,) 
that it was a measure in which he felt little interest — that he did not 
claim to know much upon the subject of Banking — that the system might 
not possibly j)rove a good one ; and that he never should have submitted 
it to the Legislature, had it not met with the approbation of Mr. Olcott 
Cashier of the Mechanics' A6 Farmers' Bank, whom he considered one 
of the most intelligent men upon the subject of Banking in the country. 
The next morning, I called on a member of the Senate, and mentioned to 
him what had passed betvv^een Mr. Van Buren and myself. He replied, 
that Mr. Van Buren had made precisely the same statement to him, and 
then expressed it as his own conviction, that the whole was intended as 
a political machine, originating with a few individuals at Albany. The 
bill was reported to the House of Assembly by Mr. Paige Chairman of 
the Bank Committee. It was however drawn up under the immediate su- 
pervision of Mr. Olcott of the Mechanics' & Farmers' Bank. Twice, at 
his own house, I saw him revising and correcting the bill, and there, I 
received the flrst intimation that the charter of the U. S. Bank would not 
probably be renewed ; and recellect gentlemen, this was some four or ffve 
weeks before Genl. Jackson entered r.pon the duties of his office as Pre- 
sident of the United States. Notwithstanding the opposition to the mea- 
sure from every part of the State, in a little more than one short month, 
nearly every political friend of Mr. Van Buren in the House of Assembly, 
and all but two in the Senate, Avere brought to vote for the bill ; and 1 
well recollect when rallying a member of the lower House on his change 
of opinion he replied : — "I have been told, if friendly to Mr. Van Buren, I 
must vote for the bill." Four years ago the last winter, I heard Mr. Geo. 
R. Davis on the ffoor of the Assembly declare, that he was the uncom- 
promising enemy of the U. S. Bank, and that he would never cease his 
hf>stility, until the institution ceased to exist. Within thirty days there- 
after, he was elected a Bank Commissioner, an office he still holds; and 
it is sufficient for my present purpose to say, that he owed hisffrst elec- 
tion exclusively to the management of Mr. Olcott, the Banks in the City 
of New-York having no voice in that election. •• 

Gentlemen will bear in mind, that of the three Bank Commission- 
ers, one receives his appointment from the Governor and Senate ; that 
delegates from the Banks in the ffrst, second, and third Senate Districts, 
assemble in New-York for the choice of another; and delegates from the 



8 



other Banks in the State convene at Auburn, for the choice of the third, 
Arrraioements that rendered certain the election of Mr. Davis, were con- 
concliKiedat Albany on Friday, and so important was it considered to se- 
cure the election of a gentleman of the same j)oiitical stamp at the West, 
that, Mr. Benjamin Knower, then President of the Mechanics & Farmers' 
Bank, left Albany the &ame evening, at the most inclement season of the 
year, and travelling day and night, including the vv'hole of the Sabbath, ar- 
rived at Auburn a few hours before the opening of the pojl in that village. 
The older Banks of Geneva, Ontario, and Monroe, having united upon 
a o-cntieman who had never worn the collar, the Regency were in that in- 
stance defeated. Good care was*taken, however, before another election, 
to locate a sufficient number of new Banks in the District, to guard against 
a similar contingency ; and at the next biennial election Major Reese was 
displaced, to make room for an individual suited to the vicAVs of his em- 
ployers. 

These Bank Commissioners — or rather these travelling electioneer- 
ing- committee men, are now all the devoted ])artizans of Mr. Van Buren, 
and to poison the minds of ffcntlemen connected with our local Banks, 
and array them against the U. S. Bank, has been regarded, as an impor- 
tant part of their duty. How faithfully they have labored in their voca- 
tion let their official papers — their annual reports lo the Legislature testify. 
Nothing but a supreme regard to the claims of party, could liaveinduced 
men, with any pretensions to respectability, to put their names to such a 
tissue of misrepresentations as their lat^t annual report contains. Talk to 
an intelligent community of the hostility of the United States Bank to 
the State Ranks ! tell them, its energies are all bent to their prostration ! 
Why, sir, there is not a tolerably intelligent Clerk of eighteen years of age 
to be found in the country, who docs not know the whole statement to be 
false, utterly false. But these gentlemen must do their masters bidding. It is 
the discipline of the school, to require every individual, from the Governor 
down to the State Printer, to adopt the party tirade against theBank. Tell 
us of the hostility of the U.S. Bank to the state banks! Sir,l liave taken some 
little pains to inform myself with regard to the position occupied by the 
U. S. Bank towards the State Banks for several years past, and I will re- 
late a single occurrence, from among many that have come to my knowl- 
edge, all of the same character,- and all, illustrative as I truly believe, of 
the uniform treatment the local Banks have received from tlie Bank of 
the United States. 

It will be remembered, that that scourge of Heaven, wliich passed over 
our land in the summer and autumn of 1832, the Cholera, made its ap- 
. pcarance in the City of New-York early in the month of .July. Its etiect 
there as every wlsere else, was to cause an entire supension of business, 
and although at a season of the year when commercial engagements 
arc not large, still as it completely paralyzed the market, it became neces- 
sary for the Banks to adopt a liberal course towards the Merchants of that 
City. One very respectable board of Directors in looking into the con- 
dition of the Institution over which they presided, found they were in- 
debted to the U. S. Branch Barik in that city about half the ajnount of their 
capital. Their ability, therefore, to grant the indulgence and acconuno- 
dation their customers would require, vvould mainly depend on the course 
the Branch should adopt towards them. A committee was appointed to 
wait upon theoiiicers of the Branch, and learn what they had to expect. 
The rc])\y was (I believe I give it in the precise language as repeatedby 
one of that Coinaiitlee) "Gentlemen, there is no probability that your In- 
stitution will be called on for any part of the balance due us for sometime 
10 come. — should it however become necessary, contrary to our present 
expectation, liberal notice shall be given you ; — say at least, thirty or six- 
ty days ; but in no event will you be called on for a dollar of specie so 
long as the present gloomy slate of things exists." 



Now, Mr. President, facts speak louder than words, and I pledge my- 
self to you, sir, — to this respectable convention, and to the opponents of 
the Bank tfirouglioiit the country, to furnish ten parallel cases with the 
one I have related, well authenticated, against every instance, where a 
contrary course of conduct on the part of the Bank can be established. 

In the remarks I have made, sir, I have not denied to the safety fund 
law a single good feature. That it possesses some good provisions, lam 
ready to admit; but that it was designed, and is used, as a political engine, 
1 have not a doubt — that as a political engine it is a perfect system, more 
potent than any organization we have before witne^5sed in this country, is 
equally clear to my mind. How else shall we account for the fact that these 
Bank Commissioners, men barely respectable in point of talents and ac- 
(juiremcnts, are every where received with profound awe — that their re- 
([uisitions, are regarded as absolute law — and that many high minded and 
honorable men connected with monied institutions all over our state, who 
originally scouted the Avhole system, now do homage to its agents. Sir, 
I know the fact, that gentlemen here, and elsewhere, who despise both 
the origin and object of the law, dare not speak disrespectfully of either, 
Mr. President, do I exaggerate the importance, or power of these men? 
Why, sir, the very revenues of your Ktate move at their bidding. Wit- 
ness the transfer last winter of four hundred thousand Dollars of the Canal 
Fund from the Bank in the City of New-York, to the Banks in Albany, 
and that without previous notice, Avhen the interest of the Safety Fund 
required it. 

^uch, Mr. President, as I have described it, is the history of the Safely 
fund, and such Gentlemen of the Convention, was the commencement of 
that war upon the currency of the country, which has since brought dis- 
tress and embarrassment, to every class ot the community; and this war is 
still to be waged under the auspices of the regency Bank at Albany, which 
is literally, the mother Bank of the State. Not a Bank Charter is granted 
under the Safety fund, v\'here some of the Commissioners for the distri- 
bution of Stock, are not made acceptable to Gentlemen coimected with 
that institution. In how many of the country Banks they are now inter- 
ested in the stock, I am unable to say ; but I can say, without fear of con- 
tradiction, that two-thirds, if not three-fourths of the Banks in the interior 
of our State, keep, or have kept their account, with the Mechanics and 
Farmers Bank, at Albany. Hence it is, that the whole responsibility of 
the Safety fund system has devolved upon that institution, and hence, the 
recent call upon the People of this State, in a season of peril and alarm, 
for four or five millions of dollars to sustain it. 

Does any gentleman doubt the origin of that obnoxious measure 
which the frowns of an indignant people have as yet prevented from being 
carried into execution. If so let nie tell him, and I do not speak unavised- 
ly, it had not its origin in the City of New-York— tlie money was not ask- 
ed for by the Banks of that City, as the Bill would seem to import. No, 
sir, if it was contemplated to place four millions of that amount in the 
Banks of the City of New-York, it was for the benefit of the Banks gen- 
erally throughout the State. — It was to give to the Banks in the interior a 
credit in that City — it was to increase their facilities, by enabling them to 
draw on the fund, and thereby relieve tlie mother Bank at Albany from 
some part of the burden, under wliich she was then struggling. In short, 
sir, it was a call upon the people of this State, to borrow four Millions of Dol- 
lars for the Banks, at an interest of five per cent., on the whole amount of 
which, the Banks were sure to divide from ten to fifteen per cent ; and. Sir, 
this is but a fair specimen of our legislation since the adoption of the Safe- 
ty Fund. Where go from year to year the revenues of our State, which 
now exceed in amount that of any other three States in the Union ? Does 
not almost every session of the Legislature witness the passage of 
some act, authorizing the Comptroller to loan this fund, and that fund, at A 



10 



a low rate of interest ? And see Five Hundred Tiioiisand Dollars placed 
in this Bank, and Three Hundred Thousand in that, and Two Hundred and 
Fifty Thousand in another, and One Hundred and Fifty Thousand in 
another, and so on, until the whole of the Public Funds are distributed 
amono- these irresponsible, incorporated Companies, and at such a rate of 
interest as enables the Stockholders of these Companies to realize a nett 
profit of from six to ten per cent, on the whole amount. 

Mr. President The men in power claim to be the friends of the 

poor, but do not their acts exhibit any thing but friendship for them ? 
Has it not been their constant aim to build up and unite the greatmoni- 
cd influence of the State, in one general partnership? And have not 
too many of their measures reference to the profits of this partnership? 
Unless the people wake up to this subject— unless they resolve to put a 
check to this course of things, ihe time is not far distant when the pre- 
diction of the lamented Maynard will be fully realized. Under the 
Safety Fund he said : " he looked forward to ihe time when a Bank 
should be located in every county in the Stale, and Avlicn that time ar- 
rived, no individual, however meritorious, need aspire to preferment, 
without the aid of Bank influence ; nay, he feared, that no man could 
be returned to the Legislature of our Stale, wlio was not acceptable to 
the Central Banking Power at Albany." , , , , 

Sir— I do not stand here as an alarmist, nor would 1, do any injus- 
tice to the hundreds of honorable and correct men connected with our 
monied institutions ; but it does appear to me, that this State is rapidly 
puttino- itself under the entire and absolute control of Banks ; and I can- 
not divest myself of the belief, that one half of the hue and cry about 
the prodicrious influence and dangerous power of the United States Bank, 
that has been raised, and is kept up, is to (.livert our attention, Irom the 
chains that are forging for us at home. _ , . ^ 

But, Sir, I again beg pardon for this digression, I was speaking ol 
the orio-in of the six million mortgage, about which there can be no 
doubt." During the month of March last, as 1 am informed, and I have 
no doubt correctly, Governor Marcy had very frequent interviews, both 
with the Hank Commissioners and Mr. Olcott. What inducements were 
held out to his Excellency to recommend the measure, I pretend not to 
know. It does not belong to me to impugn the motives of any man, 
much less, of that individual to whom we are indebted for that noble, 
disinterested, and patriotic sentiment, that, to the " victor belongs the 
spoils." The peculiar situation, ]iov>^ever, in v/hich Gov. Marcy was placed 
at that period, is probably known to all who hear me. Whether he was 
to derive pecuniary benefit from the measure, or whether its recom- 
mendation was required as a test of his allegiance, about which there 
had beo-un to be some doubts, I am unable to say. 

Si°-— 1 re"-ret the necessity for this allusion to his excellency ; but I 
appeal to even- man who hears me, whether it is without provocation ? 
By what authority I ask, does Gov. Marcy take it upon himseli in his 
nie';sa<Te, to pronounce the whole commercial interest oi this country 
partizans of the United States Bank ?— because, they regard the consti- 
tution, and laws of the land, more than the interest of the party to which 
he still adheres— because, as one man, they have arisen, to rebuke the 
late hi<Th-handed measures of the executive, are they to be denominated 
partizalis of the Bank I No, Sir. The merchants and mechanics have, 
and to their praise belt spoken, with an unanimity altogether unexam- 
pled, come forth to vindicate the plighted faith of the nation, and second- 
ed by the agricultural interest, as they arc sure to be, they will teach the 
world, that American faith and credit, are not to be violated jhui tram- 
pled with impunity, even by the government of the country. 

Sir— I have said we shall be sustained by the agricillturul interest. 



11 

Can it be otherwise I Hav<^ not tlie party in power forfeited all claim i6 
the further support of thq laad-holdino; interest in this State, by that very 
act to which m'c have ^ust alluded? What is the cliaracter of that act? 
Look at its provisions. It contemplates a loan of six millions of dol- 
lars on the credit of tlie people of tiiis State — and for what purpose ? 
We have seen how four millions of the amount was to be applied. What 
disposition is to be made of the other tw o millions ? Sir, it was to be 
placed in the hands of political partizans, to be loaned out to individuals 
in the different counties, where a majority of the supervisors of the county 
should consent to receive the money. And who is holden for its pay- 
ment? Surely, in this land of equal rights, this land of constitutional 
law, no one but the borrower, and tl\e friends he may persuade to be- 
come his security. No such thing, Sir — the independent farmer, who 
asks no favors from banks, or from your treasury, he is made liable for 
the debt ! No matter whether his farm is the fruit of his OAvn industry, 
or has comedown to him unincumbered from worthy Sires; it is mort- 
gaged for the payment of tins loan, made perhaps to his unworthy neigh- 
bor. Gentlemen, do I misstate here ? Allow me to read a single section, 
(Here Mr. S. read the 10th section of the six million loan bill.) If the 
good people of this State fail to place the seal of their reprobation upon 
the authors of this act, then have I altogether mistaken the character of 
the New-York farmer. Had the present legislature passed a law, au- 
thorizing the Albany Regency to tlirow away two millions of the public 
funds upon their political favorites, the act would not so much have sur- 
prised us ; but, when they come back for their money upon the honest 
farmer, who has had no part or lot in the matter, one would think, that 
the very stones embedded in the soil would cry out. 

Gentlemen, this act that would have disgraced the da}'S of Robes- 
pierre, is now a law of the State of Neu'-York ; it stands recorded upon 
your statute book. To the Vvliigs, I trust, is reserved the honor of wip- 
ing out the stain. 

Mr. President — There are those who v\'ould array the great and 
leading interests of our country against each other — who labor to excite 
the jealousy of the agricultural, toward the commercial, and that of the 
eonnuerxialtowavdlhe manufacturing and mechanical interests. I have 
no language. Sir, to charaeterize thebaseness of these attempts. Tliese 
great interests are one. They are mutually dependant, and should be 
mutual helps to each other. We, who are in trade, know that our suc- 
cess depends on the prosperity of the country. When the farmer thrives, 
we flourish. When he is depressed, we sutler. So oi^ the other hand, 
Avhen the jnerchant enjoys an active and prosperous business, the farmer 
is sure of a ready and profitable market. And more than this, Sir, we 
look to the intelligence and firmness of the country, for the preservation 
of our free institutions. In seasons of encroachment and peril, we rely 
on the yeomanry of the country to sa}', to aggression from abroad, or 
oppression Hi home, thus far shalt thou come, and no further. Array the 
farmer against the merciiant ! was it so, in the days of our fathers ? Was 
ihere"lirotrc~niarTT6TTifdtogether the difterent interests at that time? It 
was the merchants of the then commercial emporium of the country, who 
threw overboard the tea in Boston harbor. Did tlie farmer in the inte- 
rior look, cooly on ? Did he turn away with indifference, and leave the 
gpntlemen with pens behind their cars, (to use an elegant expression of 
the Albany Argus,) to take care of themselves, — or did he leave his 
plough in the furrow, shoulder his musket, and march to Lexington to 
vindicate the act ? The man who v. ouid array the country against (he 
city — who would persuade the farmer that liis interest is one thing, and 
ihat of the merchant, or manufacturer, or meclianic, another, I care not 
who he may be, he is no friend to his country. 

Mr. Piie,*ideut — 1 havc said, that 1 had not come here to eulogise 



the United States Bank. I have no other interest in the institution than 
that of every business man in the cominunily. I am not personally ac- 
quainted with one of its officers, nor have I had a single transaction with 
the Bank or any of its branches, in eight or nine years ; but in common 
with my fellow citizens, I do owe to the directors of that institution, a 
debt of gratitude, which I am happy here, and on all occasions publicly 
to acknowledge; and it is, Sir, for their determination from the com- 
mencement, to keep alobf, entirely aloof, from this administration. It is, 
that in June 1829, when required by the government to remove Jere- 
nuah Mason from the Presidency of the Branch Bank at Portsmouth, for 
his political opinions, they resolved, to know nothing of the politics oV 
any man. This was the act which has called down the ceaseless ven- 
geance of the powers that be, and it is to this act more than any thing 
else we owe it, that we are to-day a free people. Gentlemen may think 
I attach undue importance to this circumstance, but 1 appeal to every man 
who hears me, and I ask him, to answer the question conscientiously, 
what would have been our condition at this moment, had the directors of 
the United States Bank, been ready and prompt, to second the views of 
the profligate cabal, who have controlled at Wasliington for the last five 
years. 

Much has been said of tlie corruption of the monster; but depend 
upon it Gentlemen, th.e unpardonable sin on the part of the Bank Avas, 
that it would not be corrupted. Who, that has watched the course of 
events in this Slate, for a few years past, the character of the war that 
has been waged against the Bank, can hesitate to believe, that had the 
Bank regarded the aggrandizement of Mt. Van Buren, as a paramount 
object, it v/ould have found an advocate in every member of the Albany 
Regency ? Who that knows any thing of the character of the Kitchen 
Cabinet at Washington, douhts the terms on which their favor might 
have been secured? But thank heaven, it enjoys the favor of neither; 
and Mr. President, vrhenever gratitude for military services or any thing 
else, shall elevate to tlie Presidency of this nation, a man with like pre- 
tensions of Andrew Jackson — a man, arrogating to himself all the pow- 
ers that he has done — a man, who instead of making constitution and law 
Ids guide, takes upon himself the responsibility of doing as he pleases — a 
man, pledging himself to guard the patronage of the government from 
comino- in conflict v/ilh the freedom of elections, and yet bestowing the 
bounty of that government on three fourths of the partizan editors, that 
sustain his measures throughout the country — a man, (icprecating the 
direful consequences to be apprehended to our government, from the ap- 
pointment of members of Congress to office, and yet, selecting more 
members of Congress for office, than all his predecessors put together — 
a man, promising retrenchment, and reform, in different departments of 
government, and yet, introducing more of profligacy and waste, tenfold, 
than has been witnessed since the organization of our government — a 
man, in short, violating his own avowed principles, in fifty instances, and 
ready and willing to sport with tlie prosperity of a whole people, for the 
single object of advancing the iiiterest of Martin Van Buren — then, as 
now Sir, I should rejoice to find a National Bank, and respectable State 
Banks all over the Union, not arrayed on the side of power. 

So much, Sir, has been said, and eloquently said, upon the removal of 
the j)ublic funds, from the "Bank of the United States, that I will not- de- 
tain the Convention with any remarks upon this subject. I Avould barely 
for one moment call their attention, to two or three circumstances con- 
nected with that event. And first, gentlemen, note the time at which the 
deed was done. Only tv.-o months before the meeting of Congress, to 
whom is conmiitted the care of the public Treasure, and who alone are 
responsible for its safe keeping. Look at the agent sent from Washing- 
ton to the Atlantic cities, to negociate for this high violation of law — for 



13 

the disposal of the whole revenue of the country, agreeable to the good 
will and pleasure of Amos Kendall. Observe the character of individu- 
als that every whei-e surround him. Mark the delegation that repair from 
Albany to New-York to meet him. See them in secret conclave with 
the Wall street Broker, who volunteers to break the branch at Savannah ; 
-and see that Broker immediately thereafter, paying a premium, for notes 
issued by that branch. 

Mr. President — I know not that the history of this transaction will 
ever be revealed. For the honor of human nature, I hope it will not. 
There are acts of perfidy, that require no other infliction than the silent 
reflections of those concerned. 

Gentlemen of the Convention, there was more in fliis attempt to 
break the Bank than meets the eye. It was mainly relied on by the con- 
spirators to sustain them in their highhanded measure. After they had 
resolvjed to seize upon the Treasury of the covmtry, the calculation was 
this. If, before the meeting of Congress, we can discredit the Bank, by 
causing a suspension at one of its branches, then will a majority of the 
House of Representatives approve the act. If we fail in this, we must 
rely upon the Veto of the President, to preserve to us the control of the 
peoples' money. The very actors in this scene are disappointed, in the 
subserviency exhibited by the peoples' Representatives. They did not 
expect it. They felt that this gross violation of contract and law, would 
arouse the indignation of the whole country. They expected, as the 
result has proved, that many high minded and honorable men in Congress, 
from the South and West, would break away from the shackles of party, 
and cry shame on such disregard of the faith of the Nation. They fear- 
ed there might be some such, from our own State. Alas ! that they 
should for one moment have distrusted the virtue of a New-York 
Collar. 

And now gentlemen, while we are ready to denounce the late mea- 
sures of the National, and State Governments, let us not forget their au- 
thor. Let us not charge all the evils under which the country has strug- 
gled, either, to the prejudice, or obstinacy of Genl, Jackson; but to the 
unhallowed influence, that has controlled him. 

Behind the curtain stands the arch Intriguer; — an Intriguer, from 
whom, thanks to the sagacity of better men, the mantle of non-committal, 
has at last been stript. An Intriguer who cares nothoAV wide spread the 
ruin of his countrymen, if he may but reach the goal of his ambition. 

Mr. President : my thoughts never recur to this "favorite son of 
New York," as he has been denominated by his worshippers, without 
bringing to my recollection the remark of, a distinguished benefactor of 
our State, now no more. A benefactor, to whom we are more largely 
indebted, than to any other man, and whose memory will long be cher- 
ished, by the wise, and the patriotic, throughout our land. I allude to 
the late Gov. Clinton. 

Speaking of Mr. Van Buren in 1824, he said, that " ever since he, 
(Mr. V. B.) became the leader of a party in this State, it had been his po- 
licy and his practice, to avoid prominent individuals, — to pass by citi- 
zens of distinguished worth and talent, and call around him second and 
third rate men, who were flattered with his notice, and ready to sell them- 
selves, in his service," Without retracing the history of our political 
men, what a forcible illustration, of the correctness of this remark is fur- 
nished, in the cliaracter of our present delegation in Congress — when 
one individual shamelessly boasts, that he belongs to a school of politi- 
cians who recognize no freedom or independence in the representative, 
and that he regards a claim to either, on the part of gentlemen from the 
South, as a subject of ridicule aud reproach — and when another, publicly 
avows, that sooner than vote against the will of his master, (for it means 
nothing more nor less) he would saeriiice the commerce and credit of the jj 



14 

nation — he avouIcI sacrifice the local Banks of the State and give to the 
people, a depreciated, and Avorthless currency, — and when a third, — that 
sooner than by his vote, express his disapprobation of a measure of the 
administration, Avhich he was satisfied was prejudicial to the interest of 
his constituents, he would jeopard the interest of his immortal soul — he 
Avould commit the unpardonable sin. Who, that has a feeling of patriot- 
ism or philanthropy left, does not mourn over degradation like this ? 

And Sir, we have to lament that the same debasing intiuence, that has 
so long controlled and degraded our own State, now prevails at Wash- 
ington. Who is it thathas supplanted every upright and honorable man 
there ? Wlio has^ driven from the confidence and counsels of the Exec- 
utive, a McLane, a Calhoun, a Berrian, a Tazewell, an *Ingham, a Duane, 
and a host of other early and efficient supporters of the President ? Who 
has plundered Genl. Jackson himself of his good name, and will send him 
down to the grave, not v/ith the plaudits of a grateful nation, but \j'it]i 
the execrations of a betrayed and injured people ? Who but the same 
individual who in days that are past, proscribed a Clinton, a Kent, a 
Spencer, a Van Ness, and a long catalogue of Worthies, who have lived 
for the happiness of their fellow men, and who will continue to live, in 
the aflections of a grateful people, long after this Plotter against every 
thing that is elevated and respectable, shall be forgotten ; or if remem- 
berejd, only, as one of the political scourges, with which an all-wise Pro- 
vidence occasionslly afflicts our race. 

But, Sir, I rejoice that the delusion is passing away, that beyond the Al- 
leghany and Potomac the mist of Van Burenism is dissipated as I trust for- 
ever. I rejoice that the lovers of Law are everywhere aroused — that so 
much of the spirit of '76, animates the Whigs of '34. Our Fathers, war- 
red against the claims of arbitrary power — so do we. Our Fathers, took 
up ai-ms against pretensions on the part of the British Parliament, and tlie 
British King, not more repugnant to the spirit of Freemen, than preroga- 
tives now claimed, for a President of the United States. Relying on the 
justice of their cause and the aid of Heaven, they fought and triumphed — 
so shall we. 

But it is not to be concealed, that we encounter a foe, wielding a 
weapon far more formidable, and more to be dreaded a hundred fold, than 
British bayonets — I mean a corrupted Post Office ; and if ever the friends 
of Freedom are called upon to buckle on their armor, it is, when some 
ambitious individual aspires to the highest office in the gift of a tree peo- 
ple ; and fully aware, that he has no hold on the moral sense of that people, 
no claims upon his fellow citizens, for services rendered the country, yet 
nothing daunted, pursues his object, reckless of the means, until at last, 
he obtains complete* control of this Department of the Government, and 
renders it subservient to his views, throughout the length and breadth of 
the land. 

Mr. President, I had intended to call the attention of the Convention to 
some of the developements, that have been made, touching the General 
Post Office, but I have already trespassed too long upon your patience, 
nor is it necessary to go into detail. You, Gentlemen, have all read the 
Reports of the Majority and Minority of the Post Office Committee, in 
the Senate of the United States, and the accompanying Documents, and 
I have no doubt you are prepared to say, that the history of the worst 
Government in the worst of times, furnishes no parallel, to the maladmin- 
istration'of that Department, — and, sir, we are at no loss upon whom to 
charge its infamous condition. We are not left to uncertain conjecture. 
We all know, who has always aimed to make this Department of the Gov- 
ernment subservient to party. We have not forgotten the man, to whom 
an honest administration of its affairs, even in a i'ew country villages, oc- 
casioned ^^intolerable svfferings.^^ We will not forget the man, who urged 



15 

the removal of half a dozen " rascally Postmasters,^' in our own State, 
because they were unwilling to prostitute their office to aid in the defeat 
of De Witt Clinton. Mr. President, do I misrepresent here? Look over 
our land from one end to the other, and tell me, who are everywhere the 
active, indefatigable, and efficient supporters of the "heir apparent?" 
Show me a village meeting, or a county convention, which has for 
its object the advancement of his interest, or that of the party, (which is 
the same thing,) where the Deputy Post Master does not figure. Sir, it 
does appear to me, that this is one of the most alarming signs of the times, 
and this circumstance alone, should array eveiy lover of his country, 
against Mr. Van Buren. 

But Gentlemen, with all these fearfiil odds — this mighty array of of- 
fice holders against us, we have nothing to fear, — Our cause is the cause 
of our country, and must prevail. Bank or no Bank, Sir, is a matter of 
small moment with us. We rally for the supremacy of law, and in view 
of this high object, I would blot out all the lines that have heretofore di- 
vided us. I will forget that some of us, have been the early and devoted 
friends of Genl. Jackson, while others, have felt reluctant, to clothe him 
with civil power. I will forget, that some of us have been in favor of a 
high protecting tarifi" of duties, while others, have been the advocates of 
what is termed a free trade. I will forget, that some of us have regarded 
a National Bank, and Branches, as highly important to the Government 
and commercial operations of this widely extended country, while others 
believe it may be dispensed with. 

Sir, I will forget, that there has been any contest between Masonry 
and Anti-masonry, and would say to one and all, if there is any thing val- 
uable in the free institutions for which our fathers fought and bled — if 
you would transmit this precious legacy unimpaired to your children, then 
resist these alarming encroachments of absolute power. The crisis is 
at hand, which determines whether we go the way of all Republics before 
us, and submit to a military despotism, or remain a free people. Yes, 
Sir, the time has come, when all good citizens should forget minor dif- 
ferences of opinion, and lay aside their partiality for individuals, and 
unite in one common effort, to wrest the government from the hands of 
men, whose recent acts exhibit a scene of profligacy and misrule, un- 
paralled in the annals of faction, disgraceful to men, and a reproach to 
our institutions. 

I trust. Sir, there is no one here, who does not feel the importance of 
the contest, and who has not resolved to do his duty ; and if there is an 
individual, who has a single friend, or acquaintance, indifferent upon this 
subject — who is disposed to say, this is a mere party contest for place, in 
which he has no interest, tell him otherwise — say to him that we fight not 
for the " spoils of victory" — that tlie coming election difters from all that 
have preceded it — that its result, will not improbably, settle the question 
as to the permanancy of our institutions, and that his single vote may per- 
haps decide, whether, the purse and the sword of the nation are hereafter 
to be confided to the hands of a single man — and tell him, that the history 
of all Republics proclaims this one fact, that indiflerence to the Character 
of Rulers, always precedes the loss of liberty. Gentlemen of the Conveu» 
tion, the eyes of the nation are turned to the coming election here with us; 
nay, more, the lovers of liberty everywhere, regard with intense interest, 
the rally to be made in the empire State, in behalf of violatetHaw. j And, 
Sir, we have higher motives than these. The bleeding Constitution of 
our Country beckons us to its rescue. The plighted faith of the Nation 
trampled in the dust, appeals to us for succor. A more than Roman Se- 
nate asks — shall they appeal in vain ? And if interest is felt above, in 
whfii occurs below, the sainted spirits of our departed sires, bend to learn, 
vn, whether the freedom pi^irchaSed by their valor, shall longer be pre- 



16 

served by their sons, or whether this fair heritage — this last fair fabric of ■--■^ 

Republican Government, reared by their sacrifices, and toil, and prayers, 
shall be trampled by a Despot. 



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